Ashish Kumar Sen

On October 26, 2001, President George W. Bush gathered his cabinet in the White House situation room, stung by intense media speculation that US bombing raids on Afghanistan had produced little evidence of victory against the Taliban.

In the end, Pakistan seems to have proved right those who believed it too irresponsible to abstain from nuclear proliferation. There are also many more takers today to the idea that Islamabad is using its nuclear leverage to acquire weapons and establish military parity with India. As North Korea admitted to having an active nuclear weapons programme, Washington’s political and academic elite turned the spotlight on Pakistan’s role in it.

For the United States, the loony right didn’t exist in India until grisly pictures from Gujarat shocked the US administration out of its complacency. It also ballooned the ranks of NGOs and academics warning about the inimical influence of Hindu extremists.

For weeks after September 11, Salman Hamdani was rumoured to have been a fugitive terrorist, or languishing in federal custody.

It's a war President George W. Bush will have at any cost. But before he embarks upon it, there's a little battle he must first wage: paper over his cabinet divide, persuade a reluctant Congress, convince dithering international allies about the war against Iraq. It's true this battle's outcome won't influence his resolve to attack Iraq. But Bush knows consensus is vital for spinning this war into yet another gigantic clash between good and evil.

Vajpayee, in his diplomatic tete-a-tete with Bush, steers clear of focusing exclusively on Pakistan.

It's a war President George W. Bush will have at any cost. But before he embarks upon it, there's a little battle he must first wage: paper over his cabinet divide, persuade a reluctant Congress, convince dithering international allies about the war against Iraq. It's true this battle's outcome won't influence his resolve to attack Iraq. But Bush knows consensus is vital for spinning this war into yet another gigantic clash between good and evil.

The families of 600 people killed in the 9/11 attacks have filed a multi-billion dollar lawsuit against three Saudi princes, seven Saudi Arabian banks and international charities, accusing them of bank-rolling Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda.

When Gen Pervez Musharraf suddenly declared himself president in June 2001, US State Department spokesperson Richard Boucher had publicly bristled at the Pakistani leader's audacity.

A few fund-raising organisations come under the scanner for diverting overseas charity money into RSS propaganda activity.

While Indian politicians are reluctant to disclose what they spend on election campaigns, the US Congress has created an independent agency to monitor the financial activities of candidates in the build-up to federal elections. This is done to ensure transparency in the election process.

Could the US have prevented the 9/11 attacks?

A dab of hyper-reaction from the US dampens business and portends a tourism drought.

Indian, Pakistani friends in the US live by an uneasy censorship of politics; in the UK, ghettoisation has long taken root.

Two Silicon Valley academics have put out conflicting reports on the involvement of US-based Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs in their home countries.

The choice before ambassador-at-large Bhishma Agnihotri is pretty cut and dried: his US toehold or his badge of patriotism.

Will the US buy Indian restraint by an offer of space technology and real-time intelligence?

Did Union Carbide's liability end with a $470 million settlement?

Wannabe swami Harish Bharti takes on the food giant and wins one for the cowbelt expats in the US of A.

Musharraf is no longer persona non grata, but it's only a partial convergence of interests and ties are still hostage to mistrust.

Team Bush is split over granting PoW status to Al Qaeda men.

Indo-US defence ties get a new thrust with the GSOMIA deal.